Revolution & Southern Gung Fu

[diego]

CHAPTER XX

THE TAEPING REBELLION


We left the Taepings supreme at Nankin, but maintaining themselves there
with some difficulty against two imperial armies raised by the loyal
efforts of the inhabitants of the central provinces. This was at the
beginning of 1857; and there is no doubt that if the government had
avoided a conflict with the Europeans, and concentrated its efforts and
power on the contest with the Taeping rebels, they would have speedily
annihilated the tottering fabric of Tien Wang's authority. But the respite
of four years secured by the attention of the central government being
monopolized by the foreign question enabled the Taepings to consolidate
their position, augment their fighting forces, and present a more
formidable front to the imperial authorities. When Prince Kung learned
from Lord Elgin the full extent of the success of the Taepings on the
Yangtse, of which the officials at Pekin seemed to possess a very
imperfect and inaccurate knowledge, the Manchu authorities realized that
it was a vital question for them to reassert their authority without
further delay, but on beginning to put their new resolve into practice
they soon experienced that the position of the Taepings in 1861 differed
materially from what it was in 1857.

The course of events during that period must be briefly summarized. In
1858 the imperialists under Tseng Kwofan and Chang Kwoliang renewed the
siege of Nankin, but as the city was well supplied with provisions, and as
the imperialists were well known to have no intention of delivering an
assault, the Taepings did not feel any apprehension. After the investment
had continued for nearly a year, Chung Wang, who had now risen to the
supreme place among the rebels, insisted on quitting the city before it
was completely surrounded, with the object of beating up levies and
generally relieving the pressure caused by the besiegers. In this endeavor
he more than once experienced the unkindness of fortune, for when he had
collected 5,000 good troops he was defeated in a vigorous attempt to cut
his way through a far larger imperial force. Such, however, was his
reputation that the imperial commanders before Nankin sent many of their
men to assist the officers operating against him, and Chung Wang, seizing
the opportunity, made his way by forced marches back to Nankin, overcoming
such resistance as the enfeebled besiegers were able to offer. The whole
of the year 1859 was passed in practical inaction, but at its close the
Taepings only retained possession of four towns, besides Nankin, on the
Yangtse. It again became necessary for Chung Wang to sally forth and
assume the offensive in the rear and on the line of supplies of the
beleaguering imperialists. His main difficulty was in obtaining the
consent of Tien Wang, who was at this time given over to religious
pursuits or private excesses, and Chung Wang states that he only consented
when he found that he could not stop him. In January, 1860, Chung Wang
began what proved to be a very remarkable campaign. He put his men in good
humor by distributing a large sum of money among them, and he succeeded in
eluding the imperial commanders and in misleading them as to his
intentions. While they thought he had gone off to relieve Ganking, he had
really hastened to attack the important city of Hangchow, where much spoil
and material for carrying on the war might be secured by the victor. He
captured the city with little or no loss, on March 19, 1860, but the
Tartar city held out until relieved by Chang Kwoliang, who hastened from
Nankin for the purpose. Once again the imperial commanders in their
anxiety to crush Chung Wang had reduced their force in front of Nankin to
an excessively low condition, and the Taeping leader, placed in a
desperate position, seized the only chance of safety by hastening from
Hangchow to Nankin at full speed, and attacking the imperial lines. This
battle was fought early in the morning of a cold snowy day--May 3, 1860--
and resulted in the loss of 5,000 imperialists, and the compulsory raising
of the siege. The Taeping cause might have been resuscitated by this
signal victory if Tien Wang had only shown himself able to act up to the
great part he assumed, but not merely was he incapable of playing the part
of either a warrior or a statesman, but his petty jealousy prevented his
making use of the undoubted ability of his lieutenant Chung Wang, who
after the greatest of his successes was forbidden to re-enter Nankin.

[diego]

The energy and spirit of Chung Wang impelled him to fresh enterprises, and
seeing the hopelessness of Tien Wang, he determined to secure a base of
operations for himself, which should enable him to hold his own in the
warring strife of the realm, and perhaps to achieve the triumph of the
cause with which he was associated. It says much for his military energy
and skill that he was able to impart new vigor to the Taeping system, and
to sustain on a new field his position single-handed against the main
forces of the empire. He determined to obtain possession of the important
city of Soochow, on the Grand Canal, and not very far distant from
Shanghai. On his way to effect this object he gained a great victory over
Chang Kwoliang, who was himself killed in the battle. As the ex-Triad
chief possessed great energy, his loss was a considerable one for the
government, but his troops continued to oppose the advance of the
Taepings, and fought and lost three battles before Chung Wang reached
Soochow. That place was too large to be successfully defended by a small
force, and the imperialists hastily abandoned it. At this critical moment
--May, 1860--Ho Kweitsin, the viceroy of the Two Kiang, implored the aid
of the English and French, who were at this moment completing their
arrangements for the march on Pekin, against these rebels, and the French
were so far favorable to the suggestion that they offered to render the
assistance provided the English would combine with them. Mr. Bruce,
however, declined the adventure, which is not surprising, considering that
we were then engaged in serious hostilities with the Chinese, but the
incident remains unique of a country asking another for assistance during
the progress of a bitter and doubtful war. The utmost that Mr. Bruce would
do was to issue a notification that Shanghai would not be allowed to again
fall into the hands of an insurgent force. The viceroy who solicited the
aid was at least consistent. He memorialized the Throne, praying that the
demands of the Europeans should be promptly granted, and that they should
then be employed against the Taepings. His memorial was ill-timed. He was
summoned to Pekin and executed for his very prudent advice. With the
possession of Soochow, Chung Wang obtained fresh supplies of money,
material, and men, and once more it was impossible to say to what height
of success the Taepings might not attain. But Chung Wang was not satisfied
with Soochow alone; he wished to gain possession of Shanghai.

Unfortunately for the realization of his project, the Europeans had
determined to defend Shanghai at all hazards, but Chung Wang believed
either that they would not, or that their army being absent in the north
they had not the power to carry out this resolve. The necessity of
capturing Shanghai was rendered the greater in the eyes of Chung Wang by
its being the base of hostile measures against himself, and by a measure
which threatened him with a new peril. The wealthy Chinese merchants of
Shanghai had formed a kind of patriotic association, and provided the
funds for raising a European contingent. Two Americans, Ward and
Burgevine, were taken into their pay, and in July, 1860, they, having
raised a force of 100 Europeans and 200 Manila men, began operations with
an attack on Sunkiang, a large walled town about twenty miles from
Shanghai. This first attack was repulsed with some loss, but Ward, afraid
of losing the large reward he was promised for its capture, renewed the
attack, and with better success, for he gained possession of a gate, and
held it until the whole imperial army had come up and stormed the town.
After this success Ward was requested to attack Tsingpu, which was a far
stronger place than Sunkiang, and where the Taepings had the benefit of
the advice and leading of several Englishmen who had joined them. Ward
attacked Tsingpu on August 2, 1860, but he was repulsed with heavy loss.
He returned to Shanghai for the purpose of raising another force and two
larger guns, and then renewed the attack. It is impossible to say whether
the place would have held out or not, but after seven days' bombardment
Chung Wang suddenly appeared to the rescue, and, surprising Ward's force,
drove it away in utter confusion, and with the loss of all its guns and
stores. Encouraged by this success, Chung Wang then thought the time
opportune for attacking Shanghai, and he accordingly marched against it,
burning and plundering the villages along the road. The imperialists had
established a camp or stockade outside the western gate, and Chung Wang
carried this without any difficulty, but when he reached the walls of the
town he found a very different opponent in his path. The walls were lined
with English and French troops, and when the Taepings attempted to enter
the city they were received with a warm fire, which quickly sent them to
the right-about. Chung Wang renewed the attack at different points during
the next four or five days, but he was then obliged to retreat. Before
doing so, however, he sent a boasting message that he had come at the
invitation of the French, who were traitors, and that he would have taken
the city but for the foreigners, as "there was no city which his men could
not storm." At this moment the attention of Chung Wang was called off to
Nankin, which the imperialists were investing for a sixth time, under
Tseng Kwofan, who had been elevated to the viceroyalty of the Two Kiang.
Tien Wang, in despair, sent off an urgent summons to Chung Wang to come to
his assistance, and although he went with reluctance he felt that he had
no course but to obey.

Having done what he could to place Nankin in an efficient state of
defense, Chung Wang hastened back to Soochow to resume active operations.
It is unnecessary to describe these in detail; but although Chung Wang was
twice defeated by a Manchu general named Paochiaou, he succeeded, by
rapidity of movement, in holding his own against his more numerous
adversaries. In the meantime an important change had taken place in the
situation. The peace between China and the foreign powers compelled a
revision of the position at Shanghai. Admiral Hope sailed up to Nankin,
interviewed the Wangs, and exacted from them a pledge that Shanghai should
not be attacked for twelve months, and that the Taeping forces should not
advance within a radius of thirty miles of that place. In consequence of
this arrangement Ward and Burgevine were compelled to desist from
recruiting Europeans; but after a brief interval they were taken into the
Chinese service for the purpose of drilling Chinese soldiers, a measure
from which the most important consequences were to flow, for it proved to
be the origin of the Ever-Victorious Army. These preparations were not far
advanced when Chung Wang, elated by his capture of Ningpo and Hangchow,
resolved to disregard Tien Wang's promise, and make a second attack on
Shanghai, the possession of which he saw to be indispensable if his cause
was to attain any brilliant triumph. He issued a proclamation that "the
hour of the Manchus had come! Shanghai is a little place, and we have
nothing to fear from it. We must take Shanghai to complete our dominions."
The death of Hienfung seems to have encouraged Chung Wang to take what he
hoped would prove a decisive step.

On January 14, 1862, the Taepings reached the immediate vicinity of the
town and foreign settlement. The surrounding country was concealed by the
smoke of the burning villages, which they had ruthlessly destroyed. The
foreign settlement was crowded with thousands of fugitives, imploring the
aid of the Europeans to save their houses and property. Their sufferings,
which would at the best have been great, were aggravated by the
exceptional severity of the winter. The English garrison of two native
regiments and some artillery, even when supported by the volunteers, was
far too weak to attempt more than the defense of the place; but this it
was fortunately able to perform. The rebels, during the first week after
their reappearance, plundered and burned in all directions, threatening
even to make an attack on Woosung, the port at the mouth of the river,
where they were repulsed by the French. Sir John Michel arrived at
Shanghai with a small re-enforcement of English troops, and Ward, having
succeeded in disciplining two Chinese regiments of about one thousand
strong in all, sallied forth from Sunkiang for the purpose of operating on
the rear of the Taeping forces. Ward's capture of Quanfuling, with several
hundred rebel boats which were frozen up in the river, should have warned
the Taepings that it was nearly time for them to retire. However, they did
not act as prudence would have dictated, and during the whole of February
their raids continued round Shanghai. The suburbs suffered from their
attacks, the foreign factories and boats were not secure, and several
outrages on the persons of foreigners remained unatoned for. It was
impossible to tolerate any longer their enormities. The English and French
commanders came to the determination to attack the rebels, to enforce the
original agreement with Tien Wang, and to clear the country round Shanghai
of the presence of the Taepings for the space of thirty miles.

[diego]

On February 21, therefore, a joint force composed of 336 English sailors
and marines, 160 French seamen, and 600 men from Ward's contingent,
accompanied by their respective commanders, with Admiral Hope in chief
charge, advanced upon the village of Kachiaou, where the Taepings had
strengthened their position and placed guns on the walls. After a sharp
engagement the place was stormed, Ward's men leading the attack with
Burgevine at their head. The drilled Chinese behaved with great
steadiness, but the Taepings were not to be dismayed by a single defeat.
They even resumed their attacks on the Europeans. On one occasion Admiral
Hope himself was compelled to retire before their superior numbers, and to
summon fresh troops to his assistance. The re-enforcements consisted of
450 Europeans and 700 of Ward's force, besides seven howitzers. With these
it was determined to attack Tseedong, a place of great strength,
surrounded by stone walls and ditches seven feet deep. The Taepings stood
to their guns with great spirit, receiving the advancing troops with a
very heavy fire. When, however, Ward's contingent, making a detour,
appeared in the rear of the place, they hastily evacuated their positions;
but the English sailors had carried the walls, and, caught between two
fires, they offered a stubborn but futile resistance. More than 700 were
killed and 300 were taken prisoners. The favorable opinion formed of "the
Ever-Victorious Army" by the action at Kachiaou was confirmed by the more
serious affair at Tseedong; and Mr. Bruce at Pekin brought it under the
favorable notice of Prince Kung and the Chinese government. Having taken
these hostile steps against the rebels, it necessarily followed that no
advantage would accrue from any further hesitation with regard to allowing
Europeans to enter the imperial service for the purpose of opposing them.
Ward was officially recognized, and allowed to purchase weapons and to
engage officers. An Englishman contracted to convey 9,000 of the troops
who had stormed Ganking from the Yangtse to Shanghai. These men were Honan
braves, who had seen considerable service in the interior of China, and it
was proposed that they should garrison the towns of Kiangsu accordingly as
they were taken from the rebels. The arrival of General Staveley from
Tientsin at the end of March, with portions of two English regiments (the
31st and 67th), put a new face on affairs, and showed that the time was at
hand when it would be possible to carry out the threat of clearing the
country round Shanghai for the space of thirty miles.

The first place to be attacked toward the realization of this plan was the
village of Wongkadza, about twelve miles west of Shanghai. Here the
Taepings offered only a brief resistance, retiring to some stronger
stockades four miles further west. General Staveley, considering that his
men had done enough work for that day, halted them, intending to renew the
attack the next morning. Unfortunately Ward was carried away by his
impetuosity, and attacked this inner position with some 500 of his own
men. Admiral Hope accompanied him. The Taepings met them with a tremendous
fire, and after several attempts to scale the works they were repulsed
with heavy loss. Admiral Hope was wounded in the leg, seven officers were
wounded, and seventy men killed and wounded. The attack was repeated in
force on the following day, and after some fighting the Taepings evacuated
their stockades. The next place attacked was the village of Tsipoo; and,
notwithstanding their strong earthworks and three wide ditches, the rebels
were driven out in a few hours. It was then determined to attack Kahding,
Tsingpu, Nanjao, and Cholin, at which places the Taepings were known to
have mustered in considerable strength.

The first place was taken with little resistance, and its capture was
followed by preparations for the attack on Tsingpu, which were hastened
rather than delayed by a desperate attempt to set fire to Shanghai. The
plot was fortunately discovered in time, and the culprits captured and
summarily executed to the number of two hundred. Early in May a strong
force was assembled at Sunkiang, and proceeded by boat, on account of the
difficulties of locomotion, to Tsingpu. The fire of the guns, in which the
expedition was exceptionally strong, proved most destructive, and two
breaches being pronounced practicable the place was carried by assault.
The rebels fought well and up to the last, when they found flight
impossible. The Chinese troops slew every man found in the place with arms
in his hands. A few days later Nanjao was captured, but in the attack the
French commander, Admiral Protet, a gallant officer who had been to the
front during the whole of these operations, was shot dead. The rebels,
disheartened by these successive defeats, rallied at Cholin, where they
prepared to make a final stand. The allied force attacked Cholin on May
20, and an English detachment carried it almost at the point of the
bayonet. With this achievement the operations of the English troops came
for the moment to an end, for a disaster to the imperial arms in their
rear necessitated their turning their attention to a different quarter.


The troops summoned from Ganking had at last arrived to the number of five
or six thousand men; and the Futai Sieh, who was on the point of being
superseded to make room for Li Hung Chang, thought to employ them before
his departure on some enterprise which should redound to his credit and
restore his sinking fortunes. The operation was as hazardous as it was
ambitious. The resolution he came to was to attack the city and forts of
Taitsan, a place northwest of Shanghai, and not very far distant from
Chung Wang's headquarters at Soochow. The imperialist force reached
Taitsan on May 12, but less than two days later Chung Wang arrived in
person at the head of 10,000 chosen troops to relieve the garrison. A
battle ensued on the day following, when, notwithstanding their great
superiority in numbers, the Taepings failed to obtain any success. In this
extremity Chung Wang resorted to a stratagem. Two thousand of his men
shaved their heads and pretended to desert to the imperialists. When the
battle was renewed at sunrise on the following morning this band threw
aside their assumed character and turned upon the imperialists. A dreadful
slaughter ensued. Of the 7,000 Honan braves and the Tartars from Shanghai,
5,000 fell on the field. The consequences of this disaster were to undo
most of the good accomplished by General Staveley and his force. The
imperialists were for the moment dismayed, and the Taepings
correspondingly encouraged. General Staveley's communications were
threatened, and he had to abandon his intended plan and retrace his steps
to Shanghai.

Chung Wang then laid regular siege to Sunkiang, where Ward was in person,
and he very nearly succeeded in carrying the place by escalade. The
attempt was fortunately discovered by an English sailor just in time, and
repulsed with A loss to the rebels of 100 men. The Taepings continued to
show great daring and activity before both Sunkiang and Tsingpu; and
although the latter place was bravely defended, it became clear that the
wisest course would be to evacuate it. A body of troops was therefore sent
from Shanghai to form a junction with Ward at Sunkiang, and to effect the
safe retreat of the Tsingpu garrison. The earlier proceedings were
satisfactorily arranged, but the last act of all was grossly mismanaged
and resulted in a catastrophe. Ward caused the place to be set on fire,
when the Taepings, realizing what was being done, hastened into the town,
and assailed the retiring garrison. A scene of great confusion followed;
many lives were lost, and the commandant who had held it so courageously
was taken prisoner. Chung Wang could therefore appeal to some facts to
support his contention that he had got the better of the Europeans and the
imperialists in the province of Kiangsu.

[diego]

From the scene of his successes Chung Wang was once more called away by
the timidity or peril of Tien Wang, who was barely able to maintain his
position at Nankin, but when he hastened off to assist the chief of the
Taepings he found that he was out of favor, and that the jealousy or fear
of his colleagues had brought about his temporary disgrace and loss of
title. Shortly after Chung Wang's departure Ward was killed in action and
Burgevine succeeded to the command, but it soon became apparent that his
relations with the Chinese authorities would not be smooth. General Ching
was jealous of the Ever-Victorious Army and wished to have all the credit
for himself. Li Hung Chang, who had been appointed Futai or Governor of
Kiangsu, entertained doubts of the loyalty of this adventurer. Burgevine
was a man of high temper and strong passions, who met the wiles of the
Futai with peremptory demands to recognize the claims of himself and his
band. Nor was this all. Burgevine had designs of his own. Although the
project had not taken definite form in his mind the inclination was strong
within him to play the part of military dictator with the Chinese; or
failing that, to found an independent authority on some convenient spot of
Celestial territory. The Futai anticipated, perhaps, more than divined his
wishes. In Burgevine he saw, very shortly after their coming into contact,
not merely a man whom he disliked and distrusted, but one who, if allowed
to pursue his plans unchecked, would in the end form a greater danger to
the imperial authority than even the Taepings. It is not possible to deny
Li's shrewdness in reading the character of the man with whom he had to
deal.

The Futai Li, in order to test his obedience, proposed that Burgevine and
his men should be sent round by sea to Nankin to take part in the siege of
that city. The ships were actually prepared for their conveyance, and the
Taotai Wou, who had first fitted out a fleet against the rebels, was in
readiness to accompany Burgevine, when Li and his colleague, as suspicious
of Burgevine's compliance as they would have been indignant at his
refusal, changed their plans and countermanded the expedition. Instead of
carrying out this project, therefore, they laid a number of formal
complaints before General Staveley as to Burgevine's conduct, and
requested the English government to remove him from his command, and to
appoint an English officer in his place. The charges against Burgevine did
not at this time amount to more than a certain laxness in regard to the
expenditure of the force, a disregard for the wishes and prejudices of the
Chinese government, and the want of tact, or of the desire to conciliate,
in his personal relations with the Futai. If Burgevine had resigned, all
would have been well, but he regarded the position from the standpoint of
the adventurer who believes that his own interests form a supreme law and
are the highest good. As commander of the Ever-Victorious Army he was a
personage to be considered even by foreign governments. He would not
voluntarily surrender the position which alone preserved him from
obscurity. Having come to this decision it was clear that even the partial
execution of his plans must draw him into many errors of judgment which
could not but imbitter the conflict. The reply of the English commander
was to the effect that personally he could not interfere, but that he
would refer the matter to London as well as to Mr. Bruce at Pekin. In
consequence of the delay thus caused the project of removing the force to
Nankin was revived, and, the steamers having been chartered, Burgevine was
requested to bring down his force from Sunkiang and to embark it at
Shanghai. This he expressed his willingness to do on payment of his men,
who were two months in arrear, and on the settlement of all outstanding
claims, Burgevine was supported by his troops. Whatever his dislike to the
proposed move, theirs was immeasurably greater. They refused to move
without the payment of all arrears; and on January 2 they even went so far
as to openly mutiny. Two days later Burgevine went to Shanghai and had an
interview with Takee. The meeting was stormy. Burgevine used personal
violence toward the Shanghai merchant, whose attitude was at first
overbearing, and he returned to his exasperated troops with the money,
which he carried off by force. The Futai Li, on hearing of the assault on
Takee, hastened to General Staveley to complain of Burgevine's gross
insubordination in striking a mandarin, which by the law of China was
punishable with death. Burgevine was dismissed the Chinese service, and
the notice of this removal was forwarded by the English general, with a
recommendation to him to give up his command without disturbance. This
Burgevine did, for the advice of the English general was equivalent to a
command, and on January 6, 1863, Burgevine was back at Shanghai. Captain
Holland was then placed in temporary command, while the answer of the home
government was awaited to General Staveley's proposition to intrust the
force to the care of a young captain of engineers, named Charles Gordon.
Chung Wang returned at this moment to Soochow, and in Kiangsu the cause of
the Taepings again revived through his energy. In February a detachment of
Holland's force attacked Fushan, but met with a check, when the news of a
serious defeat at Taitsan, where the former Futai Sieh had been defeated,
compelled its speedy retreat to Sunkiang. Li had some reason to believe
that Taitsan would surrender on the approach of the imperialists, and he
accordingly sent a large army, including 2,500 of the contingent, to
attack it. The affair was badly managed. The assaulting party was stopped
by a wide ditch; neither boats nor ladders arrived. The Taepings fired
furiously on the exposed party, several officers were killed, and the men
broke into confusion. The heavy guns stuck in the soft ground and had to
be abandoned; and despite the good conduct of the contingent the Taepings
achieved a decisive success (February 13). Chung Wang was able to feel
that his old luck had not deserted him, and the Taepings of Kiangsu
recovered all their former confidence in themselves and their leader. This
disaster inflicted a rude blow on the confidence of Li and his assistants;
and it was resolved that nothing should be attempted until the English
officer, at last appointed, had assumed the active command.

Such was the position of affairs when on March 24, 1863, Major Gordon took
over the command of the Ever-Victorious Army. At that moment it was not
merely discouraged by its recent reverses, but it was discontented with
its position, and when Major Gordon assumed the command at Sunkiang there
was some fear of an immediate mutiny. The new commander succeeded in
allaying their discontent, and believing that active employment was the
best cure for insubordination resolved to relieve Chanzu without delay.
The Taepings were pressing the siege hard and would probably have captured
the place before many days when Major Gordon attacked them in their
stockades and drove them out with no inconsiderable loss. Having thus
gained the confidence of his men and the approbation of the Chinese
authorities Major Gordon returned to Sunkiang, where he employed himself
in energetically restoring the discipline of his force, and in preparing
for his next move, which at the request of Li Hung Chang was to be the
capture of Quinsan. On April 24 the force left Sunkiang to attack Quinsan,
but it had not proceeded far when its course had to be altered to Taitsan,
where, through an act of treachery, a force of 1,500 imperialists had been
annihilated. It became necessary to retrieve this disaster without delay,
more especially as all hope of taking Quinsan had for the moment to be
abandoned. Major Gordon at once altered the direction of his march, and
joining _en route_ General Ching, who had, on the news, broken up his
camp before Quinsan, hastened as rapidly as possible to Taitsan, where he
arrived on April 29. Bad weather obliged the attack to be deferred until
May 1, when two stockades on the west side were carried, and their
defenders compelled to flee, not into the town as they would have wished,
but away from it toward Chanzu. On the following day, the attack was
resumed on the north side, while the armed boats proceeded to assault the
place from the creek. The firing continued from nine in the morning until
five in the evening, when a breach seemed to be practicable, and two
regiments were ordered to the assault. The rebels showed great courage and
fortitude, swarming in the breach and pouring a heavy and well-directed
fire upon the troops. The attack was momentarily checked; but while the
stormers remained under such cover as they could find, the shells of two
howitzers were playing over their heads and causing frightful havoc among
the Taepings in the breach. But for these guns, Major Gordon did not think
that the place would have been carried at all; but after some minutes of
this firing at such close quarters, the rebels began to show signs of
wavering. A party of troops gained the wall, a fresh regiment advanced
toward the breach, and the disappearance of the snake flag showed that the
Taeping leaders had given up the fight. Taitsan was thus captured, and the
three previous disasters before it retrieved.

[diego]

On May 4 the victorious force appeared before Quinsan, a place of
considerable strength and possessing a formidable artillery directed by a
European. The town was evidently too strong to be carried by an immediate
attack, and Major Gordon's movements were further hampered by the conduct
of his own men, who, upon their arrival at Quinsan, hurried off in
detachments to Sunkiang for the purpose of disposing of their spoil.
Ammunition had also fallen short, and the commander was consequently
obliged to return to refit and to rally his men. At Sunkiang worse
confusion followed, for the men, or rather the officers, broke out into
mutiny on the occasion of Major Gordon appointing an English officer with
the rank of lieutenant-colonel to the control of the commissariat, which
had been completely neglected. The men who had served with Ward and
Burgevine objected to this, and openly refused to obey orders. Fortunately
the stores and ammunition were collected, and Major Gordon announced that
he would march on the following morning, with or without the mutineers.
Those who did not answer to their names at the end of the first half-march
would be dismissed, and he spoke with the authority of one in complete
accord with the Chinese authorities themselves. The soldiers obeyed him as
a Chinese official, because he had been made a tsungping or brigadier-
general, and the officers feared to disobey him as they would have liked
on account of his commanding the source whence they were paid. The
mutineers fell in, and a force of nearly 3,000 men, well-equipped and
anxious for the fray, returned to Quinsan, where General Ching had, in the
meanwhile, kept the rebels closely watched from a strong position defended
by several stockades and supported by the "Hyson" steamer. Immediately
after his arrival, Major Gordon moved out his force to attack the
stockades which the rebels had constructed on their right wing. These were
strongly built; but as soon as the defenders perceived that the assailants
had gained their flank they precipitately withdrew into Quinsan itself.
General Ching wished the attack to be made on the eastern gate, opposite
to which he had raised his own intrenchments, and by which he had
announced his intention of forcing his way; but a brief inspection showed
Major Gordon that that was the strongest point of the town, and that a
direct attack upon it could only succeed, if at all, by a very
considerable sacrifice of men. Like a prudent commander Major Gordon
determined to reconnoiter; and, after much grumbling on the part of
General Ching, he decided that the most hopeful plan was to carry some
stockades situated seven miles west of the town, and thence assail Quinsan
on the Soochow side, which was weaker than the others. These stockades
were at a village called Chumze. On May 30 the force detailed for this
work proceeded to carry it out. The "Hyson" and fifty imperial gunboats
conveyed the land force, which consisted of one regiment, some guns, and a
large body of imperialists. The rebels at Chumze offered hardly the least
resistance; whether it was that they were dismayed at the sudden
appearance of the enemy, or, as was stated at the time, because they
considered themselves ill-treated by their comrades in Quinsan. The
"Hyson" vigorously pursued those who fled toward Soochow, and completed
the effect of this success by the capture of a very strong and well-built
fort covering a bridge at Ta Edin. An imperialist garrison was installed
there, and the "Hyson" continued the pursuit to within a mile of Soochow
itself.

The defenders of Quinsan itself were terribly alarmed at the cutting off
of their communications. They saw themselves on the point of being
surrounded, and they yielded to the uncontrollable impulse of panic.
During the night, after having suffered severely from the "Hyson" fire,
the garrison evacuated the place, which might easily have held out; and
General Ching had the personal satisfaction, on learning from some
deserters of the flight of the garrison, of leading his men over the
eastern walls which he had wished to assault. The importance of Quinsan
was realized on its capture. Major Gordon pronounced it to be the key of
Soochow, and at once resolved to establish his headquarters there, partly
because of its natural advantages, but also and not less on account of its
enabling him to gradually destroy the evil associations which the men had
contracted at Sunkiang.

The change was not acceptable, however, to the force itself; and the
artillery in particular refused to obey orders, and threatened to shoot
their officers. Discipline was, however, promptly reasserted by the energy
of the commander, who ordered the principal ringleader to be shot, and
"the Ever-Victorious Army" became gradually reconciled to its new position
at Quinsan. After the capture of Quinsan there was a cessation of active
operations for nearly two months. It was the height of summer and the new
troops had to be drilled. The difficulty with Ching, who took all the
credit for the capture of Quinsan to himself, was arranged through the
mediation of Dr. Macartney, who had just left the English army to become
Li's right-hand man. Two other circumstances occurred to embarrass the
young commander. There were rumors of some meditated movement on the part
of Burgevine, who had returned from Pekin with letters exculpating him,
and who endeavored to recover the command in spite of Li Hung Chang, and
there was a further manifestation of insubordination in the force, which,
as Gordon said, bore more resemblance to a rabble than the magnificent
army it was popularly supposed to be. The artillery had been cowed by
Major Gordon's vigor, but its efficiency remained more doubtful than could
be satisfactory to the general responsible for its condition, and also
relying upon it as the most potent arm of his force. He resolved to remove
the old commander, and to appoint an English officer, Major Tapp, in his
place. On carrying his determination into effect the officers sent in "a
round robin," refusing to accept a new officer. This was on July 25, and
the expedition which had been decided upon against Wokong had consequently
to set out the following morning without a single artillery officer. In
face of the inflexible resolve of the leader, however, the officers
repented, and appeared in a body at the camp begging to be taken back, and
expressing their willingness to accept "Major Tapp or any one else" as
their colonel.

[diego]

With these troops, part of whom had only just returned to a proper sense
of discipline, Gordon proceeded to attack Kahpoo, on the Grand Canal south
of Soochow, where the rebels held two strongly-built stone forts. The
force had beep strengthened by the addition of another steamer, the
"Firefly," a sister vessel to the "Hyson." Major Gordon arrived before
Kahpoo on July 27; and the garrison, evidently taken by surprise, made
scarcely the least resistance. The capture of Kahpoo placed Gordon's force
between Soochow and Wokong, the next object of attack. At Wokong the
rebels were equally unprepared. The garrison at Kahpoo, thinking only of
its own safety, had fled to Soochow, leaving their comrades at Wokong
unwarned and to their fate. So heedless were the Taepings at this place of
all danger from the north, that they had even neglected to occupy a strong
stone fort situated about 1,000 yards north of the walls. The Taepings
attempted too late to repair their error, and the loss of this fort caused
them that of all their other stockades. Wokong itself was too weak to
offer any effectual resistance; and the garrison on the eve of the assault
ordered for July 29 sent out a request for quarter, which was granted, and
the place surrendered without further fighting. Meanwhile an event of far
greater importance had happened than even the capture of these towns,
although they formed the necessary preliminary to the investment of
Soochow. Burgevine had come to the decision to join the Taepings.

Disappointed in his hope of receiving the command, Burgevine remained on
at Shanghai, employing his time in watching the varying phases of a
campaign in which he longed to take part, and of which he believed that it
was only his due to have the direction, but still hesitating as to what
decision it behooved him to take. His contempt for all Chinese officials
became hatred of the bitterest kind of the Futai, by whom he had been not
merely thwarted but overreached, and predisposed him to regard with no
unfavorable eye the idea of joining his fortunes to those of the rebel
Taepings. To him in this frame of mind came some of the dismissed officers
and men of the Ward force, appealing to his vanity by declaring that his
soldiers remembered him with affection, and that he had only to hoist his
flag for most of his old followers to rally round him. There was little to
marvel at if he also was not free from some feeling of jealousy at the
success and growing fame of Major Gordon, for whom he simulated a warm
friendship. The combination of motives proved altogether irresistible as
soon as he found that several hundred European adventurers were ready to
accompany him into the ranks of the Taepings, and to endeavor to do for
them what they had failed to perform for the imperialists. On July 15, Dr.
Macartney wrote to Major Gordon stating that he had positive information
that Burgevine was enlisting men for some enterprise, that he had already
collected about 300 Europeans, and that he had even gone so far as to
choose a special flag, a white diamond on a red ground, and containing a
black star in the center of the diamond. On the 21st of the same month
Burgevine wrote to Major Gordon saying that there would be many rumors
about him, but that he was not to believe any of them, and that he would
come and see him shortly. This letter was written as a blind, and,
unfortunately, Major Gordon attached greater value to Burgevine's word
than he did to the precise information of Dr. Macartney. He was too much
disposed to think that, as the officer who had to a certain extent
superseded Burgevine in the command, he was bound to take the most
favorable view of all his actions, and to trust implicitly in his good
faith. Major Gordon, trusting to his word, made himself personally
responsible to the Chinese authorities for his good faith, and thus
Burgevine escaped arrest. Burgevine's plans had been deeply laid. He had
been long in correspondence with the Taepings, and his terms had been
accepted. He proclaimed his hostility to the government by seizing one of
their new steamers.

At this very moment Major Gordon came to the decision to resign, and he
hastened back to Shanghai in order to place his withdrawal from the force
in the hands of the Futai. He arrived there on the very day that Burgevine
seized the "Kajow" steamer at Sunkiang, and on hearing the news he at once
withdrew his resignation, which had been made partly from irritation at
the irregular payment of his men, and also on account of the cruelty of
General Ching. Not merely did he withdraw his resignation, but he hastened
back to Quinsan, into which he rode on the night of the very same day that
had witnessed his departure. The immediate and most pressing danger was
from the possible defection of the force to its old leader, when, with the
large stores of artillery and ammunition at Quinsan in their possession,
not even Shanghai, with its very weak foreign garrison, could be
considered safe from attack. As a measure of precaution Major Gordon sent
some of his heavy guns and stores back to Taitsan, where the English
commander, General Brown, consented to guard them, while he hastened off
to Kahpoo, now threatened both by the Soochow force and by the foreign
adventurers acting under Burgevine. He arrived at a most critical moment.
The garrison was hard pressed. General Ching had gone back to Shanghai,
and only the presence of the "Hyson" prevented the rebels, who were well-
armed and possessed an efficient artillery, from carrying the fort by a
rush. The arrival of Major Gordon with 150 men on board his third steamer,
the "Cricket," restored the confidence of the defenders, but there was no
doubt that Burgevine had lost a most favorable opportunity, for if he had
attacked this place instead of proceeding to Soochow it must have fallen.

General Ching, who was a man of almost extraordinary energy and
restlessness, resolved to signalize his return to the field by some
striking act while Major Gordon was completing his preparations at Quinsan
for a fresh effort. His headquarters were at the strong fort of Ta Edin,
on the creek leading from Quinsan to Soochow, and having the "Hyson" with
him he determined to make a dash to some point nearer the great rebel
stronghold. On August 30 he had seized the position of Waiquaidong, where,
in three days, he threw up stockades, admirably constructed, and which
could not have been carried save by a great effort on the part of the
whole of the Soochow garrison. Toward the end of September, Major Gordon,
fearing lest the rebels, who had now the supposed advantage of Burgevine's
presence and advice, might make some attempt to cut off General Ching's
lengthy communications, moved forward to Waiquaidong to support him; but
when he arrived he found that the impatient mandarin, encouraged either by
the news of his approach or at the inaction of the Taepings in Soochow,
had made a still further advance of two miles, so that he was only 1,000
yards distant from the rebel stockades in front of the east gate. Major
Gordon had at this time been re-enforced by the Franco Chinese corps,
which had been well disciplined, under the command of Captain Bonnefoy,
while the necessity of leaving any strong garrison at Quinsan had been
obviated by the loan of 200 Belooches from General Brown's force. The
rebel position having been carefully reconnoitered, both on the east and
on the south, Major Gordon determined that the first step necessary for
its proper beleaguerment was to seize and fortify the village of
Patachiaou, about one mile south of the city wall. The village, although
strongly stockaded, was evacuated by the garrison after a feeble
resistance, and an attempt to recover it a few hours later by Mow Wang in
person resulted in a rude repulse chiefly on account of the effective fire
of the "Hyson." Burgevine, instead of fighting the battles of the failing
cause he had adopted, was traveling about the country: at one moment in
the capital interviewing Tien Wang and his ministers, at another going
about in disguise even in the streets of Shanghai. But during the weeks
when General Ching might have been taken at a disadvantage, and when it
was quite possible to recover some of the places which had been lost, he
was absent from the scene of military operations. After the capture of
Patachiaou most of the troops and the steamers that had taken it were sent
back to Waiquaidong, but Major Gordon remained there with a select body of
his men and three howitzers. The rebels had not resigned themselves to the
loss of Patachiaou, and on October 1 they made a regular attempt to
recover it. They brought the "Kajow" into action, and, as it had found a
daring commander in a man named Jones, its assistance proved very
considerable. They had also a 32-pounder gun on board a junk, and this
enabled them to overcome the fire of Gordon's howitzers and also of the
"Hyson," which arrived from Waiquaidong during the engagement. But
notwithstanding the superiority of their artillery, the rebels hesitated
to come to close quarters, and when Major Gordon and Captain Bonnefoy led
a sortie against them at the end of the day they retired precipitately.

[diego]

At this stage Burgevine wrote to Major Gordon two letters--the first
exalting the Taepings, and the second written two days later asking for an
interview, whereupon he expressed his desire to surrender on the provision
of personal safety. He assigned the state of his health as the cause of
this change, but there was never the least doubt that the true reason of
this altered view was dissatisfaction with his treatment by the Taeping
leaders and a conviction of the impossibility of success. Inside Soochow,
and at Nankin, it was possible to see with clearer eyes than at Shanghai
that the Taeping cause was one that could not be resuscitated. But
although Burgevine soon and very clearly saw the hopelessness of the
Taeping movement, he had by no means made up his mind to go over to the
imperialists. With a considerable number of European followers at his beck
and call, and with a profound and ineradicable contempt for the whole
Chinese official world, he was both to lose or surrender the position
which gave him a certain importance. He vacillated between a number of
suggestions, and the last he came to was the most remarkable, at the same
time that it revealed more clearly than any other the vain and
meretricious character of the man. In his second interview with Major
Gordon he proposed that that officer should join him, and combining the
whole force of the Europeans and the disciplined Chinese, seize Soochow,
and establish an independent authority of their own. It was the old
filibustering idea, revived under the most unfavorable circumstances, of
fighting for their own hand, dragging the European name in the dirt, and
founding an independent authority of some vague, undefinable and
transitory character. Major Gordon listened to the unfolding of this
scheme of miserable treachery, and only his strong sense of the utter
impossibility, and indeed the ridiculousness of the project, prevented his
contempt and indignation finding forcible expression. Burgevine, the
traitor to the imperial cause, the man whose health would not allow him to
do his duty to his new masters in Soochow, thus revealed his plan for
defying all parties, and for deciding the fate of the Dragon Throne. The
only reply he received was the cold one that it would be better and wiser
to confine his attention to the question of whether he intended to yield
or not, instead of discussing idle schemes of "vaulting ambition."

Meantime, Chung Wang had come down from Nankin to superintend the defense
of Soochow; and in face of a more capable opponent he still did not
despair of success, or at the least of making a good fight of it. He
formed the plan of assuming the offensive against Chanzu while General
Ching was employed in erecting his stockades step by step nearer to the
eastern wall of Soochow. In order to prevent the realization of this
project Major Gordon made several demonstrations on the western side of
Soochow, which had the effect of inducing Chung Wang to defer his
departure. At this conjuncture serious news arrived from the south. A
large rebel force, assembled from Chekiang and the silk districts south of
the Taho Lake, had moved up the Grand Canal and held the garrison of
Wokong in close leaguer. On October 10 the imperialists stationed there
made a sortie, but were driven back with the loss of several hundred men
killed and wounded. Their provisions were almost exhausted, and it was
evident that unless relieved they could not hold out many days longer. On
October 12 Major Gordon therefore hastened to their succor. The rebels
held a position south of Wokong, and, as they felt sure of a safe retreat,
they fought with great determination. The battle lasted three hours; the
guns had to be brought up to within fifty yards of the stockade, and the
whole affair is described as one of the hardest fought actions of the war.
On the return of the contingent to Patachiaou, about thirty Europeans
deserted the rebels, but Burgevine and one or two others were not with
them. Chung Wang had seized the opportunity of Gordon's departure for the
relief of Wokong to carry out his scheme against Chanzu. Taking the
"Kajow" with him, and a considerable number of the foreign adventurers, he
reached Monding, where the imperialists were strongly intrenched at the
junction of the main creek from Chanzu with the Canal. He attacked them,
and a severely contested struggle ensued, in which at first the Taepings
carried everything before them. But the fortune of the day soon veered
round. The "Kajow" was sunk by a lucky shot, great havoc was wrought by
the explosion of a powder-boat, and the imperialists remained masters of a
hard fought field. The defection of the Europeans placed Burgevine in
serious peril, and only Major Gordon's urgent representations and acts of
courtesy to the Mow Wang saved his life. The Taeping leader, struck by the
gallantry and fair dealing of the English officer, set Burgevine free, and
the American consul thanked Major Gordon for his great kindness to that
misguided officer. Burgevine came out of the whole complication with a
reputation in every way tarnished. He had not even the most common courage
which would have impelled him to stay in Soochow and take the chances of
the party to which he had attached himself. Whatever his natural talents
might have been, his vanity and weakness obscured them all. With the
inclination to create an infinity of mischief, it must be considered
fortunate that his ability was so small, for his opportunities were
abundant.

The conclusion of the Burgevine incident removed a weight from Major
Gordon's mind. Established on the east and south of Soochow, he determined
to secure a similar position on its western side, when he would be able to
intercept the communications still held by the garrison across the Taho
Lake. In order to attain this object it was necessary, in the first place,
to carry the stockades at Wuliungchow, a village two miles west of
Patachiaou. The place was captured at the first attack and successfully
held, notwithstanding a fierce attempt to recover it under the personal
direction of Chung Wang, who returned for the express purpose. This
success was followed by others. Another large body of rebels had come up
from the south and assailed the garrison of Wokong. On October 26 one of
Gordon's lieutenants, Major Kirkham, inflicted a severe defeat upon them,
and vigorously pursued them for several miles. The next operation
undertaken was the capture of the village of Leeku, three miles north of
Soochow, as the preliminary to investing the city on the north. Here Major
Gordon resorted to his usual flanking tactics, and with conspicuous
success. The rebels fought well; one officer was killed at Gordon's side,
and the men in the stockade were cut down with the exception of about
forty, who were made prisoners. Soochow was then assailed on the northern
as well as on the other sides, but Chung Wang's army still served to keep
open communications by means of the Grand Canal. That army had its
principal quarters at Wusieh, where it was kept in check by a large
imperialist force under Santajin, Li's brother, who had advanced from
Kongyin on the Yangtse. Major Gordon's main difficulty now arose from the
insufficiency of his force to hold so wide an extent of country; and in
order to procure a re-enforcement from Santajin, he agreed to assist that
commander against his able opponent Chung Wang. With a view to
accomplishing this the Taeping position at Wanti, two miles north of
Leeku, was attacked and captured.

At this stage of the campaign there were 13,500 men round Soochow, and of
these 8,500 were fully occupied in the defense of the stockades, leaving
the very small number of 5,000 men available for active measures in the
field. On the other hand, Santajin had not fewer than 20,000, and possibly
as many as 30,000 men under his orders. But the Taepings still enjoyed the
numerical superiority. They had 40,000 men in Soochow, 20,000 at Wusieh,
and Chung Wang occupied a camp, half-way between these places, with 18,000
followers. The presence of Chung Wang was also estimated to be worth a
corps of 5,000 soldiers. Had Gordon been free to act, his plan of campaign
would have been simple and decisive. He would have effected a junction of
his forces with Santajin, he would have overwhelmed Chung Wang's 18,000
with his combined army of double that strength, and he would have appeared
at the head of his victorious troops before the bewildered garrison of
Wusieh. It would probably have terminated the campaign at a stroke. Even
the decisive defeat of Chung Wang alone might have entailed the collapse
of the cause now tottering to its fall. But Major Gordon had to consider
not merely the military quality of his allies, but also their jealousies
and differences. General Ching hated Santajin on private grounds as well
as on public. He desired a monopoly of the profit and honor of the
campaign. His own reputation would be made by the capture of Soochow. It
would be diminished and cast into the shade were another imperial
commander to defeat Chung Wang and close the line of the Grand Canal. Were
Gordon to detach himself from General Ching he could not feel sure what
that jealous and impulsive commander would do. He would certainly not
preserve the vigilant defensive before Soochow necessary to insure the
safety of the army operating to the north. The commander of the Ever-
Victorious Army had consequently to abandon the tempting idea of crushing
Chung Wang and to have recourse to slower methods.

[diego]

On November 19 Major Gordon collected the whole of his available force to
attack Fusaiquan, a place on the Grand Canal six miles north of Soochow.
Here the rebels had barred the Canal at three different points, while on
the banks they occupied eight earthworks, which were fortunately in a very
incomplete state. A desperate resistance was expected from the rebels at
this advantageous spot, but they preferred their safety to their duty, and
retreated to Wusieh with hardly any loss. In consequence of this reverse
Chung Wang withdrew his forces from his camp in face of Santajin, and
concentrated his men at Monding and Wusieh for the defense of the Grand
Canal. The investment of Soochow being now as complete as the number of
troops under the imperial standard would allow of, Major Gordon returned
to General Ching's stockades in front of that place, with the view of
resuming the attack on the eastern gate. General Ching and Captain
Bonnefoy had met with a slight repulse there on October 14. The stockade
in front of the east gate was known by the name of the Low Mun, and had
been strengthened to the best knowledge of the Taeping engineers. Their
position was exceedingly formidable, consisting of a line of breastworks
defended at intervals with circular stockades. Major Gordon decided upon
making a night attack and he arranged his plans from the information
provided by the European and other deserters who had been inside. The
Taepings were not without their spies and sympathizers also, and the
intended attempt was revealed to them. The attack was made at two in the
morning of November 27, but the rebels had mustered in force and received
Major Gordon's men with tremendous volleys. Even then the disciplined
troops would not give way, and encouraged by the example of their leader
who seemed to be at the front and at every point at the same moment,
fairly held their own on the edge of the enemy's position. Unfortunately
the troops in support behaved badly, and got confused from the heavy fire
of the Taepings, which never slackened. Some of them absolutely retired
and others were landed at the wrong places. Major Gordon had to hasten to
the rear to restore order, and during his absence the advanced guard were
expelled from their position by a forward movement led by Mow Wang in
person. The attack had failed, and there was nothing to do save to draw
off the troops with as little further loss as possible. This was Major
Gordon's first defeat, but it was so evidently due to the accidents
inseparable from a night attempt, and to the fact that the surprise had
been revealed, that it produced a less discouraging effect on officers and
men than might have seemed probable. Up to this day Major Gordon had
obtained thirteen distinct victories besides the advantage in many minor
skirmishes.

Undismayed by this reverse Major Gordon collected all his troops and
artillery from the other stockades, and resolved to attack the Low Mun
position with his whole force. He also collected all his heavy guns and
mortars and cannonaded the rebel stockade for some time; but on an advance
being ordered the assailants were compelled to retire by the fire which
the Taepings brought to bear on them from every available point. Chung
Wang had hastened down from Wusieh to take part in the defense of what was
rightly regarded as the key of the position at Soochow, and both he and
Mow Wang superintended in person the defense of the Low Mun stockade.
After a further cannonade the advance was again sounded, but this second
attack would also have failed had not the officers and men boldly plunged
into the moat or creek and swum across. The whole of the stockades and a
stone fort were then carried, and the imperial forces firmly established
at a point only 900 yards from the inner wall of Soochow. Six officers and
fifty men were killed, and three officers, five Europeans, and 128 men
were wounded in this successful attack. The capture of the Low Mun
stockades meant practically the fall of Soochow. Chung Wang then left it
to its fate, and all the other Wangs except Mow Wang were in favor of
coming to terms with the imperialists. Even before this defeat Lar Wang
had entered into communications with General Ching for coming over, and as
he had the majority of the troops at Soochow under his orders Mow Wang was
practically powerless, although resolute to defend the place to the last.
Several interviews took place between the Wangs and General Ching and Li
Hung Chang. Major Gordon also saw the former, and had one interview with
Lar Wang in person. The English officer proposed as the most feasible plan
his surrendering one of the gates. During all this period Major Gordon had
impressed on both of his Chinese colleagues the imperative necessity there
was, for reasons of both policy and prudence, to deal leniently and
honorably by the rebel chiefs. All seemed to be going well. General Ching
took an oath of brotherhood with Lar Wang, Li Hung Chang agreed with
everything that fell from Gordon's lips. The only one exempted from this
tacit understanding was Mow Wang, always in favor of fighting it out and
defending the town; and his name was not mentioned for the simple reason
that he had nothing to do with the negotiations. For Mow Wang Major Gordon
had formed the esteem due to a gallant enemy, and he resolved to spare no
effort to save his life. His benevolent intentions were thwarted by the
events that had occurred within Soochow. Mow Wang had been murdered by the
other Wangs, who feared that he might detect their plans and prevent their
being carried out. The death of Mow Wang removed the only leader who was
heartily opposed to the surrender of Soochow, and on the day after this
chief's murder the imperialists received possession of one of the gates.
The inside of the city had been the scene of the most dreadful confusion.
Mow Wang's men had sought to avenge their leader's death, and on the other
hand the followers of Lar Wang had shaved their heads in token of their
adhesion to the imperialist cause. Some of the more prudent of the Wangs,
not knowing what turn events might take amid the prevailing discord,
secured their safety by a timely flight. Major Gordon kept his force well
in hand, and refused to allow any of the men to enter the city, where they
would certainly have exercised the privileges of a mercenary force in
respect of pillage. Instead of this Major Gordon endeavored to obtain for
them two months' pay from the Futai, which that official stated his
inability to procure. Major Gordon thereupon resigned in disgust, and on
succeeding in obtaining one month's pay for his men, he sent them back to
Quinsan without a disturbance.

The departure of the Ever-Victorious Army for its headquarters was
regarded by the Chinese officials with great satisfaction, and for several
reasons. In the flush of the success at Soochow both that force and its
commander seemed in the way of the Futai, and to diminish the extent of
his triumph. Neither Li nor Ching also had the least wish for any of the
ex-rebel chiefs, men of ability and accustomed to command, to be taken
into the service of the government. Of men of that kind there were already
enough. General Ching himself was a sufficiently formidable rival to the
Futai, without any assistance and encouragement from Lar Wang and the
others. Li had no wish to save them from the fate of rebels; and although
he had promised, and General Ching had sworn to, their personal safety, he
was bent on getting rid of them in one way or another. He feared Major
Gordon, but he also thought that the time had arrived when he could
dispense with him and the foreign-drilled legion in the same way as he had
got rid of Sherard Osborn and his fleet. The departure of the Quinsan
force left him free to follow his own inclination. The Wangs were invited
to an entertainment at the Futai's boat, and Major Gordon saw them both in
the city and subsequently when on their way to Li Hung Chang. The exact
circumstances of their fate were never known; but nine headless bodies
were discovered on the opposite side of the creek, and not far distant
from the Futai's quarters. It then became evident that Lar Wang and his
fellow Wangs had been brutally murdered. Major Gordon was disposed to take
the office of their avenger into his own hands, but the opportunity of
doing so fortunately did not present itself. He hastened back to Quinsan,
where he refused to act any longer with such false and dishonorable
colleagues. The matter was reported to Pekin. Both the mandarins sought to
clear themselves by accusing the other; and a special decree came from
Pekin conferring on the English officer a very high order and the sum of
10,000 taels. Major Gordon returned the money, and expressed his regret at
being unable to accept any token of honor from the emperor in consequence
of the Soochow affair.

[diego]

A variety of reasons, all equally creditable to Major Gordon's judgment
and single-mindedness, induced him after two months' retirement to abandon
his inaction and to sink his difference with the Futai. He saw very
clearly that the sluggishness of the imperial commanders would result in
the prolongation of the struggle with all its attendant evils, whereas, if
he took the field, he would be able to bring it to a conclusion within two
months. Moreover, the Quinsan force, never very amenable to discipline,
shook off all restraint when in quarters, and promised to become as
dangerous to the government in whose pay it was as to the enemy against
whom it was engaged to fight. Major Gordon, in view of these facts, came
to the prompt decision that it was his duty, and the course most
calculated to do good, for him to retake the field and strive as
energetically as possible to expel the rebels from the small part of
Kiangsu still remaining in their possession. On February 18, 1864, he
accordingly left Quinsan at the head of his men, who showed great
satisfaction at the return to active campaigning. Wusieh had been
evacuated on the fall of Soochow, and Chung Wang's force retired to
Changchow, while that chief himself returned to Nankin. A few weeks later
General Ching had seized Pingwang, thus obtaining the command of another
entrance into the Taho Lake. Santajin established his force in a camp not
far distant from Changchow, and engaged the rebels in almost daily
skirmishes. This was the position of affairs when Major Gordon took the
field toward the end of February, and he at once resolved to carry the war
into a new country by crossing the Taho Lake and attacking the town of
Yesing on its western shores. By seizing this and the adjoining towns he
hoped to cut the rebellion in two, and to be able to attack Changchow in
the rear. The operations at Yesing occupied two days; but at last the
rebel stockades were carried with tremendous loss not only to the
defenders, but also to a relieving force sent from Liyang. Five thousand
prisoners were also taken. Liyang itself was the next place to be
attacked; but the intricacy of the country, which was intersected by
creeks and canals, added to the fact that the whole region had been
desolated by famine, and that the rebels had broken all the bridges,
rendered this undertaking one of great difficulty and some risk. However,
Major Gordon's fortitude vanquished all obstacles, and when he appeared
before Liyang he found that the rebel leaders in possession of the town
had come to the decision to surrender. At this place Major Gordon came
into communication with the general Paochiaou, who was covering the siege
operations against Nankin, which Tseng Kwofan was pressing with ever-
increasing vigor. The surrender of Liyang proved the more important, as
the fortifications were found to be admirably constructed, and as it
contained a garrison of fifteen thousand men and a plentiful supply of
provisions. From Liyang Major Gordon marched on Kintang, a town due north
of Liyang, and about half-way between Changchow and Nankin. The capture of
Kintang, by placing Gordon's force within striking distance of Changchow
and its communications, would have compelled the rebels to suspend these
operations and recall their forces. Unfortunately the attack on Kintang
revealed unexpected difficulties. The garrison showed extraordinary
determination; and although the wall was breached by the heavy fire, two
attempts to assault were repulsed with heavy loss, the more serious
inasmuch as Major Gordon was himself wounded below the knee, and compelled
to retire to his boat. This was the second defeat Gordon had experienced.

[diego]

In consequence of this reverse, which dashed the cup of success from
Gordon's hands when he seemed on the point of bringing the campaign to a
close in the most brilliant manner, the force had to retreat to Liyang,
whence the commander hastened back with one thousand men to Wusieh. He
reached Wusieh on the 25th of March, four days after the repulse at
Kintang, and he there learned that Fushan had been taken and that Chanzu
was being closely attacked. The imperialists had fared better in the
south. General Ching had captured Kashingfoo, a strong place in Chekiang,
and on the very same day as the repulse at Kintang, Tso Tsung Tang had
recovered Hangchow. Major Gordon, although still incapacitated by his
wound from taking his usual foremost place in the battle, directed all
operations from his boat. He succeeded, after numerous skirmishes, in
compelling the Taepings to quit their position before Chanzu; but they
drew up in force at the village of Waisso, where they offered him battle.
Most unfortunately, Major Gordon had to intrust the conduct of the attack
to his lieutenants, Colonels Howard and Rhodes, while he superintended the
advance of the gunboats up the creek. Finding the banks were too high to
admit of these being usefully employed, and failing to establish
communications with the infantry, he discreetly returned to his camp,
where he found everything in the most dreadful confusion owing to a
terrible disaster. The infantry, in fact, had been outmaneuvered and
routed with tremendous loss. Seven officers and 265 men had been killed,
and one officer and sixty-two men wounded. Such an overwhelming disaster
would have crushed any ordinary commander, particularly when coming so
soon after such a rude defeat as that at Kintang. It only roused Major
Gordon to increased activity. He at once took energetic measures to
retrieve this disaster. He sent his wounded to Quinsan, collected fresh
troops, and, having allowed his own wound to recover by a week's rest,
resumed in person the attack on Waisso. On April 10 Major Gordon pitched
his camp within a mile of Waisso, and paid his men as the preliminary to
the resumption of the offensive. The attack commenced on the following
morning, and promised to prove of an arduous nature; but by a skillful
flank movement Major Gordon carried two stockades in person, and rendered
the whole place no longer tenable. The rebels evacuated their position and
retreated, closely pursued by the imperialists. The villagers, who had
suffered from their exactions, rose upon them, and very few rebels
escaped. The pursuit was continued for a week, and the lately victorious
army of Waisso was practically annihilated. The capture of Changchow was
to be the next and crowning success of the campaign. For this enterprise
the whole of the Ever-Victorious Army was concentrated, including the ex-
rebel contingent of Liyang. On April 23 Major Gordon carried the stockades
near the west gate. In their capture the Liyang men, although led only by
Chinese, showed conspicuous gallantry, thus justifying Major Gordon's
belief that the Chinese would fight as well under their own countrymen as
when led by foreigners. Batteries were then constructed for the
bombardment of the town itself. Before these were completed the
imperialists assaulted, but were repulsed with loss. On the following day
(April 27) the batteries opened fire, and two pontoon bridges were thrown
across, when Major Gordon led his men to the assault. The first attack was
repulsed, and a second one, made in conjunction with the imperialists,
fared not less badly. The pontoons were lost, and the force suffered a
greater loss than at any time during the war, with the exception of
Waisso. The Taepings also lost heavily; and their valor could not alter
the inevitable result. Changchow had consequently to be approached
systematically by trenches, in the construction of which the Chinese
showed themselves very skillful. The loss of the pontoons compelled the
formation of a cask-bridge; and, during the extensive preparations for
renewing the attack, several hundred of the garrison came over, reporting
that it was only the Cantonese who wished to fight to the bitter end. On
May 11, the fourth anniversary of its capture by Chung Wang, Li requested
Major Gordon to act in concert with him for carrying the place by storm.
The attack was made in the middle of the day, to the intense surprise of
the garrison, who made only a feeble resistance, and the town was at last
carried with little loss. The commandant, Hoo Wang, was made prisoner and
executed. This proved to be the last action of the Ever-Victorious Army,
which then returned to Quinsan, and was quietly disbanded by its commander
before June 1. To sum up the closing incidents of the Taeping war. Tayan
was evacuated two days after the fall of Changchow, leaving Nankin alone
in their hands. Inside that city there were the greatest misery and
suffering. Tien Wang had refused to take any of the steps pressed on him
by Chung Wang, and when he heard the people were suffering from want, all
he said was, "Let them eat the sweet dew." Tseng Kwofan drew up his lines
on all sides of the city, and gradually drove the despairing rebels behind
the walls. Chung Wang sent out the old women and children; and let it be
recorded to the credit of Tseng Kwotsiuen that he did not drive them back,
but charitably provided for their wants, and dispatched them to a place of
shelter. In June Major Gordon visited Tseng's camp, and found his works
covering twenty-four to thirty miles, and constructed in the most
elaborate fashion. The imperialists numbered 80,000 men, but were badly
armed. Although their pay was very much in arrear, they were well fed, and
had great confidence in their leader, Tseng Kwofan. On June 30, Tien Wang,
despairing of success, committed suicide by swallowing golden leaf. Thus
died the Hungtsiuen who had erected the standard of revolt in Kwangsi
thirteen years before. His son was proclaimed Tien Wang on his death
becoming known, but his reign was brief. The last act of all had now
arrived. On July 19 the imperialists had run a gallery under the wall of
Nankin, and charged it with 40,000 pounds of powder. The explosion
destroyed fifty yards of the walls, and the imperialists, attacking on all
sides, poured in through the breach. Chung Wang made a desperate
resistance in the interior, holding his own and the Tien Wang's palace to
the last. He made a further stand with a thousand men at the southern
gate, but his band was overwhelmed, and he and the young Tien Wang fled
into the surrounding country. In this supreme moment of danger Chung Wang
thought more of the safety of his young chief than of himself, and he gave
him an exceptionally good pony to escape on, while he himself took a very
inferior animal. As the consequence Tien Wang the Second escaped, while
Chung Wang was captured in the hills a few days later. Chung Wang, who had
certainly been the hero of the Taeping movement, was beheaded on August 7,
and the young Tien Wang was eventually captured and executed also, by Shen
Paochen. For this decisive victory, which extinguished the Taeping
Rebellion, Tseng Kwofan, whom Gordon called "generous, fair, honest and
patriotic," was made a Hou, or Marquis, and his brother Tseng Kwotsiuen an
Earl.

It is impossible to exaggerate the impression made by Gordon's
disinterestedness on the Chinese people, who elevated him for his courage
and military prowess to the pedestal of a national god of war. The cane
which he carried when leading his men to the charge became known as
"Gordon's wand of victory"; and the troops whom he trained, and converted
by success from a rabble into an army, formed the nucleus of China's
modern army. The service he rendered his adopted country was, therefore,
lasting as well as striking, and the gratitude of the Chinese has, to
their credit, proved not less durable. The name of Gordon is still one to
conjure with among the Chinese, and if ever China were placed in the same
straits, she would be the more willing, from his example, to intrust her
cause to an English officer. As to the military achievements of General
Gordon in China nothing fresh can be said. They speak indeed for
themselves, and they form the most solid portion of the reputation which
he gained as a leader of men. In the history of the Manchu dynasty he will
be known as "Chinese Gordon"; although for us his earlier sobriquet must
needs give place, from his heroic and ever-regrettable death, to that of
"Gordon of Khartoum."

http://infomotions.com/etexts/gutenb...04/chnbl10.htm

[diego]

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedi...IPING_ARMY.JPG

[diego]

"The Problem of China / Russell, Bertrand Arthur William 3rd, Earl, 1872-1970" http://infomotions.com/etexts/gutenb...3940/13940.htm

[diego]

http://infomotions.com/etexts/gutenb...4345/14345.htm

"The Fight For The Republic in China / Putnam Weale, B. L. (Bertram Lenox), 1877-1930"

[diego]

CHINA TRILOGY: rare footage, undisputably the best documentary about China.

In 1986 Ambrica Productions began the CHINA Trilogy, a series of three feature-length documentaries that explore the history of modern China. Much of the twentieth century in China has been dominated by a single generation of men and women and their commitment to communism. This group formed the Chinese Communist Party in the 1920's, came to power in the 1940's and transformed the country into a world power in the 1980's. Now the last leaders of this generation are passing away, bringing to an end one of the most dramatic periods of Chinese history. Their stories and the stories of the ordinary people of China -- peasants and workers, intellectuals and soldiers, families in villages and cities -- form the heart of the CHINA Trilogy.

The first film, CHINA IN REVOLUTION describes the epic upheaval that began in China with the fall of the last emperor in 1911. Over the next four decades, the Chinese people were caught up in struggles with warlords, foreign invasion and a bitter rivalry between the Chinese Communist Party and the Nationalist Party. The film highlights the two figures who came to shape events, Chang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong. First they worked as allies to unite the country and then they fought a bloody civil war that was won by the Communists in 1949.

CHINA IN REVOLUTION 1911-1949 explores the turbulent years prior to the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. This ground breaking television documentary is the first to examine this complex historical era through interviews with people who experienced it. In the course of the program, viewers watch and listen as Chinese citizens recall their dramatic pasts. The film, which combines rare archival footage with location segments filmed in China and Taiwan, was first broadcast on PBS just after the Tiananmen Square tragedy of 1989. CHINA IN REVOLUTION begins Ambrica Production's epic series on the history of 20th century China.

PRESS REVIEWS

"The film provides exactly the sort of long-range socio-political context that Western news organizations seldom bring to breaking events. Moreover, it does so with a visual integrity that is simply stunning... If this film serves no other purpose, it reminds us that the Tiananmen Square rebellion has a much longer history -- and a far deeper context -- than a few days in June 1989. No one 'lost'China, but this film helps re-find her." The Boston Globe

"What is remarkable about this documentary film is not only that it contains rare footage chronicling those turbulent years, but also that the archival footage is enlivened by the film-makers' interviews with people - both on the mainland and on Taiwan - who either witnessed the happenings shown on the screen or were themselves participants in the historic events that changed China for better or for worse. The recounting of their personal experiences brings history closer to the audience and provides authentic details in a breathtaking panorama." The Asian Wall Street Journal


http://youtube.com/watch?v=aL3LyXtOQqU&feature=related

PART 1

http://youtube.com/watch?v=EoJhENCD3Kk&feature=related

PART 2

http://youtube.com/watch?v=3VyTGGnObKg&feature=related

PART 3

http://youtube.com/watch?v=yeZweN0JQNU&feature=related

PART 4

http://youtube.com/watch?v=0zifHzYiuu8&feature=related

PART 5

http://youtube.com/watch?v=PPQRUUGHZZo&feature=related

PART 6

http://youtube.com/watch?v=PaTMZuXLpt8&feature=related

PART 7

http://youtube.com/watch?v=tWaPnzgxdjI&feature=related

PART 8

http://youtube.com/watch?v=UBDeOMEXC4M&feature=related

PART 9

http://youtube.com/watch?v=un1vVz4PmUc&feature=related

PART 10

http://youtube.com/watch?v=xIEntI9oSao&feature=related

PART 11

http://youtube.com/watch?v=4nYo-JXGQr4&feature=related

PART 12

[diego]

GORDON

THE MAN WHO "DISCOVERED" CHINA

The name, Gordon, brings to mind the warrior--perchance the Highland
laddie who with bagpipes fiercely blowing charges down the rocky slope
against the enemy.

"Chinese" Gordon, as one of this warlike clan will be known for all
time, came indeed of a race of warriors, and was born in martial
surroundings; but the man himself was far from being of that stern
stuff that glories in a fight. As boy and man, he was quiet, lovable,
and of intensely religious nature.

Gordon means a "spear," and the name was probably given to the clan
several centuries ago. Its members had always been famous in battle.
Chinese Gordon's great-grandfather led a very eventful life. He was
taken prisoner in the battle of Prestonpans, and later went to Canada,
on the special expedition which wrested that Dominion from the French.
His son took part in many battles, and served with distinction.

The next in line, the father of Chinese Gordon, was Lieutenant-General
Henry William Gordon, a soldier of the highest type.

General Gordon lived at Woolwich, long noted for its arsenal. It is
only nine miles out from St. Paul's, and is an object of interest at
any time. But in times of war it fairly bristles with activity. Small
wonder, then, that a boy coming from such a line of ancestors and born,
almost, in a gun-carriage should have chosen to become a soldier. With
any other environment Chinese Gordon would have become a preacher.

Of course, the name "Chinese," was not the way he was christened.
"Charles George" are his baptismal names--but few people know that fact
now.

He was the youngest child in a large family, five sons and six
daughters. This calls to mind other large families from which sprang
famous soldiers--Napoleon, for example. Charles was born in 1833,
after his father had reached middle age, and had settled down in the
piping times of peace. The elder Gordon had won his spurs in the
Napoleonic Wars.

We know very little of the boyhood of Charles Gordon, beyond the fact
that during the first ten years of his life he lived at the Pigeon
House Fort, in Dublin Bay, next in the Fort of Leith, and later on the
Island of Corfu. All these places are spots of great natural beauty--a
vista of stretching sea or mountain-top which the frowning fortress
only aided in romance and charm. Many a long ramble must the boy have
had, storing his memory with these quiet, sylvan pictures.

Not far from Leith was the famous battlefield of Prestonpans, where,
nearly a century before, his great-grandfather had been taken prisoner.
From his father or brothers he must have heard many a wild tale of the
Highlanders and their exploits.

As a child, however, this did not appeal to him. He loved nature in
her quiet moods best. He was timid and nervous, to such an extent that
the firing off of the cannon, when the colors were lowered at sundown,
would make him jump half out of his boots. It was only by the sternest
sort of self-control that he obtained the mastery of himself.

Not that Charles Gordon was ever a coward. Morally he was
ever-unflinching. He abhorred a lie, and was always ready to stand up
for his convictions. But his physical frame was made of weaker
stuff--much to his own vexation.

One of the few early stories related of him is that he had difficulty
in learning to swim. He could not get the stroke and he had a horror
of being in water over his head. So he made a practise of deliberately
throwing himself into deep water, when out with his mates, knowing that
it was "sink or swim," or a case of getting pulled out. He was then
only nine.

A few years later, another instance reveals his determination. A great
circus was advertised in London, a novelty in those days, and the
Gordon boys had been promised the treat. But just before its arrival,
Charles fell into disgrace. He was charged with some fault which he
did not think should have been laid to his door. Later he was
forgiven, and told that he might attend the circus. But his pride was
aroused, and he refused to go.

When he was ten, the first definite step toward making him a soldier
was taken--for of course, being a Gordon, he must be a soldier. He was
sent to school at Taunton, preparatory to entering, as a cadet, the
Royal Military Academy, at Woolwich. At that time, its commandant was
a veteran of Waterloo, a peppery old chap who had left one of his legs
on the soil of France, as a souvenir. He was a martinet as to
discipline, and Charles, who had become accustomed to doing a good deal
of thinking for himself, came into frequent clashes with him.

One day, the old man said, "Gordon, I am tired of fooling with you.
You are incompetent; you will never make an officer."

The young cadet, a boy of sixteen, gave him look for look, without
quailing--then by way of reply tore his epaulettes from his shoulders,
turned on his heel, and strode out of the room.

Naturally, the guardhouse was next in order, where the culprit could
cool his heels and meditate upon the sinfulness of superior officers.
In this particular case he seems to have blamed it upon the missing
leg, for he remarked, long afterwards: "Never employ any one minus a
limb to be in authority over boys. They are apt to be irritable and
unjust."